Friday, 9 December 2016

Statehood and State Recognition

By Alphonce Barrack, LLB (2017)
1.0 Introduction
If a state does not enjoy recognition, it is irrelevant whether the requirements of the Montevideo Convention have been satisfied. Without recognition, statehood is meaningless and requirements of Montevideo Convention [1] are at best a guide to determine recognition. This area of law has shown numerous complexities for a good range of time, in fact since time immemorial. The major complexity in this area of law is compacted into the doctrinal dispute between the declaratory[2] and constitutivists views on recognition of states and governments.[3]
Taking into account the provisions of the Montevideo Convention guidelines on recognition of statehood,[4] non-recognition by other nations of a state claiming to be a national person or a member of the family of nations, is usually an evidence to the effect that that entity or territory has not attained the independence and control entitling it by international law to be  classed as an international personality.[5] This leaves us with the question as to whether recognition is a prerequisite of statehood to an extent that it supersedes the Montevideo guidelines.
[1.1] Discussion
The Montevideo Convention provides that a state as a person of International Law should have a permanent population, a defined territory, a government and capacity to enter into relations with other states;[6] perhaps this is the most coherent criterion of establishing statehood, that no other international legal instrument can surpass.
However of the above set criterion, recognition by other states supersedes the rest. Since this in many occasions is deemed to be capable of curing the defect of an imperfect claim of a statehood.[7] That is to mean that even if a people within a territory have not satisfied the objective criteria of the Montevideo Convention or have achieved them through unlawful means, they may still acquire statehood in International Law because the formal defect is waived by the international community at large.
As a matter of definition, state recognition as defined by Prof. Oppenheim,[8] is the act through which it becomes apparent that an old state is ready to deal with a new state as an International Person and a member of the Family of Nations; and such (recognition) is given either expressly or tacitly.[9]
Recognition by other members of the Family of Nations is perhaps the most important criterion that many at times supersede the other requirements of the Montevideo Convention.[10] For instance, the case of the Holy See and the Pope, the Holy See clearly does not meet the threshold of the Montevideo Convention , for it has no legal capacity to enter into intercourse with other foreign nations, it has no permanent population. However, a tacit recognition by other members of the family of Nations can be inferred from its dealings with other nations.
Pursuant to the Law of Guaranty, the Pope enjoys all honors of a sovereign and retains the privileges conceded to him by the Roman Catholic monarchs.[11] Secondly and of importance The Pope has the right to send and receive envoys who enjoy all the privileges of the diplomatic envoys sent and received by Italy.[12] Of importance is that the Law of Guaranty is not an international instrument but Italian Municipal Law.[13] Although the Holy See is not a state per se, the envoys sent by her to foreign Nations are treated by the latter on the same footing with other foreign diplomatic envoys. Furthermore, even though the Pope is not a head of state, the privileges due to a head of Monarchical state are still granted to him as a head of state. From this a tacit recognition is undeniable.
Therefore to generally produce a satisfactory definition of statehood is not easy, for even a roll call of the United Nation or any other international organization does not confer statehood upon any territory per se,[14] for reasons that United Nations membership wholly depends on political considerations and legal facts.
In light of the above, state recognition by other states emerges as an important stage of statehood, other prerequisites of Montevideo Convention notwithstanding. In International Registration of Trademark (Germany) case[15], a West Germany court ruled that a trademark originating from East Germany was not entitled to protection in West Germany’s territory for reasons that West Germany did not recognize East Germany as a state, whereas East Germany has achieved the objective criteria of the statehood. In the Courts opinion, an entity which actually exists does not thereby become a state in international law without some form of recognition of its existence and therefore recognition of a state is essential to international personality.
There is no denying that the concept of state recognition is heavily clouded by politics or politically motivated, especially by the permanent members of the Security Council. Oppenheim in ascertaining this says that it must be mentioned that recognition by one State is not binding upon other States, so that they must follow it. But in practice, such example if set by one or more great powers and at a time when the new State is really established on a sound basis, will make other States at a later period give their recognition.[16] For instance, Russia has used its veto power to oppose admission of Republic of Kosovo to the United Nations despite other one hundred and ninety two members recognizing Kosovo as a sovereign state. And secondly the United Kingdom’s vote a member of the Security Council in favor of the Admission of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to the United Nations on the 8th April 1993 was considered as a formal recognition.
Furthermore the United States government did not recognize the Soviet government until 1933 even though it had been effect within the Soviet state for at least ten years. Tied to this, Russia has been universally accepted as being capable of succeeding to the Soviet Union’s place in the Security Council and the United Nations.
[1.2] Duty of recognition.
As a general approach, no state has the duty to recognize an aspiring state. However, if any state bears the mark of statehood, it is undeniable that other states legally expose themselves to a serious legal risk if they deliberately ignore the basic obligations of state relations. Prof. Oppenheim in his profound wisdom is of the considered view that no new state or an aspiring state has the right to demand recognition of statehood from other states and other states have no duty or legal obligations to recognize any such state upon any such demands.[17]
Even though no new state has by International Law a right to demand recognition, recognition of statehood cannot be unreasonably withheld, for simple reason that if the same is for any length of time refused, the interests of the old state are exposed to jeopardy just as those of the new states.[18]
[1.4] Conclusion
From the above analysis, statehood can only be properly acquired through recognition by other members of the Family of nations, Montevideo Convention requirements notwithstanding. Such recognition whether express or tacit must as shown in the discussion above be initiated by Great Powers for other nations to follow suit.[19] State recognition appears to be more political than states willingness to enter into legal relations with other nations on legal basis.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
1.) International Instruments.
  1. Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States 1993
2.) Municipal Law
  1. The Law of Guaranty, Italian Act of Parliament.
3.) Books
  1. Oppenheim, International Law: a treatise, vol 1 (Making of Modern Law Print Editions)
  2. Martin Dixon, International Law (7th edn, Oxford University Press 2013)
  3. Harris, Cases and Materials on International Law (7th end, Sweet & Maxwell 2010)
  4. Ian Brownlie, Principles of Public International Law (7th edn, Oxford university Press 2008)

[1] Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States 1993.
[2] State recognition is a mere declaration or acknowledgement of an existing state f law and fact.
[3] Ian Brownlie, Principles of Public International Law (7th edn, Oxford university Press 2008) 86
[4] Article 1, Montevideo Convention.
[5] Ian Brownlie, Principles of Public International Law (7th edn, Oxford university Press 2008) 86.
[6] Article 1, Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States.
[7] Martin Dixon, International Law (7th edn, Oxford University Press 2013) 123.
[8] Prof. Oppenheim, M.A., LL.D (Professor of International Law in the University of Cambridge, Member of The Institute of International Law, Honorary Member of the Royal Academy of Jurists at Madrid.)
[9] L. Oppenheim, International Law: a treatise, vol 1 (Making of Mordern Law Print Editions) 177.
[10] ibid
[11] Article 2, The Law of Guaranty.
[12] Article 9-10 The Law of Guaranty.
[13] L. Oppenheim, International Law: a treatise, vol 1 (Making of Modern Law Print Editions) 159.
[14] Martin Dixon, International Law (7th edn, Oxford University Press 2013) 117.
[15] (1959) 28 ILR 82
[16] L. Oppenheim, International Law: a treatise, vol 1 (Making of Modern Law Print Editions) 178.
[17] L. Oppenheim, International Law: a treatise, vol 1 (Making of Modern Law Print Editions) 117
[18] The case of the United States refusal to recognize the Soviet Union as a state after the first world war until 1933.

[19] L. Oppenheim, International Law: a treatise, vol 1 (Making of Modern Law Print Editions) 178

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